探析唐朝时期墓志中赋文体的化用

　　[摘要]   将赋与墓志这两种文体联合考察，既可以据墓志辑考已佚的唐赋文献，又可以发现唐人以赋为墓志的现象。首先，在新出土的墓志中，直接或间接涉及赋家赋作的有十余方，即梁玙、陈周子、卢招、沈中黄、谢观、杨汉公、张士贵、苗景符、独孤申叔、于汝锡、崔文龟、路谠、张知实等人的墓志。据此既可了解其赋的数量、风格、传播等情况，又可追溯确认若干赋学批评术语产生的时间。其次，就唐代墓志本身而言，其创作存在化用先唐赋典的现象，这些赋作典实大略可以分为三类，即悼亡类、闲居类、士不遇类。再次，唐代墓志又有以赋笔行文的现象，在行文结构和句式结构方面均有这样的表现。唐代墓志以赋行文的原因主要在于赋与墓志两者功用的契合，也与“诗赋取士”的制度和赋的文体特质有关。
　　
　　[关键词]     赋；唐代墓志；悼亡；闲居；士不遇；四六句；兮字句；诗赋取士制度
　　
　　Abstract:
　　
　　Combining the research on fu and the epitaph can help us collate the lost Tang fubased on the epitaph.It is also an approach to studying how the people in Tang dynasty wrote fufor an epitaph.The association between fuand the epitaph will be discussed in four parts in thispaper.
　　
　　The first part focuses on collating the literature of Tang fu based on a study of the newlyunearthed epitaphs,among which over 10are related to works of fuand their authors.Collatingthe literature on Tang fu gives us some information on the amount of fu written by Tanglitterateurs,the style of fu,the spread of futo the surrounding areas,and the period of timewhen terms of fu criticism came into being.For example,after studying Xie Guan�餾self-composed epitaph,we can conclude that lüfu（a form of literary style）emerged in the midand late Tang Dynasty.
　　
　　The second part discusses the phenomenon that the epitaphs of Tang dynasty borrowed a lotfrom the works of fu in pre-Tang.The themes of these works fall under three categories:
　　
　　lament,homeboundness,and unrecognized talent.Lament was the author�餾 purpose of writingan epitaph.It was a way to commemorate deceased relatives and friends.It was also theembodiment of culture.Like the motivation of writing an epitaph,the fu writer might use theallusions and historical facts of lament,especially in memory of the love between a couple.Thewriters often used the allusions of Pan Yue to express their sad feelings.Homeboundness andunrecognized talent were different.The former was an ideal state of life,while the latterexpressed helpless sorrow.When describing the state of homeboundness,the writer tended toquote Zhang Heng�餾 Guitian Fu and Pan Yue�餾 XianjuFu.When describing the unrecognizedtalent,they tended to relate it to Diao Quyuan Fu and Funiao Fu.
　　
　　The third part focuses on the phenomenon that the epitaph adopted the writing style of fu.
　　
　　The style of fuis found in the structure of the overall text and the sentences.As far as theoverall structure is concerned,the epitaph is similar to fuin its use of conjunctions and modalparticles.But when it comes to literary form,the epitaph is made up of lots of four-six-wordsentences and Xi sentences.The four-six-word sentence is typical of the Parallel style,while theXi sentence is typical of the Sao style.Based on the examples of the Pre-Tang fu,a reasonableassumption is that the epitaphs using these two kinds of sentences were inspired by the Pianfuand Saofu.
　　
　　The fourth part discusses the reasons why the epitaphs borrowed the allusions and writingtechniques of pre-Tang fu.Firstly,the function of fuis similar to that of the epitaph:thewriters can both become immortal in their work.Secondly,the system of selecting scholars bytheir poetry and fuhad a certain degree of influence on the scholars.To have a brighter future,the scholars practiced and perfected their skills.Thirdly,from the perspective of stylistics,fuwas valued more highly than other styles.Fu�餾 aesthetic value is much more obvious than theepitaph and has certain reference value for the epitaph.In addition,fu was an elegant literarystyle that highly accorded with the purpose of an epitaph�餾 as it pays tribute to the memory of thetomb owner,and there was also the possibility that the writers wanted to show off theirscholarship through the epitaphs.
　　
　　Key words:
　　
　　fu;Tang epitaph;lament;homeboundness;unrecognized talent;four-six-wordsentence;Xi sentence;system of selecting scholars by their poetry and fu.
　　
　　赋是一种非常特殊的文体，它介于诗和散文之间，与其他多种文体亦颇有关联。学界讨论较多的是赋与诗、赋与辞、赋与文的关系，这也是关于赋的来源的主流观点。对于新出土墓志与唐代文学的研究价值，戴伟华、韩理洲、陈尚君、胡可先等学者已有综合性论述①，颇有启发性。而“墓志从最早的仅仅用来简单记事和标识墓地的实用工具发展演变成为一种纪实、颂美兼备的文体，必然受到当时已经存在的各种文体特别是与它功能相近的文体的影响”[1],赋与墓志的关系非常密切，因此，把这两种文体放在一起来谈是必要的，更为关键的是，唐代墓志的确存在化用辞赋典故和以赋笔行文的现象。
　　
　　一、唐代墓志所见赋文献辑考

    墓志作为一种史料，主要是对墓主的一生行藏进行尽可能全面的勾勒，包括姓字、籍贯、家世、学识等信息，与史传可以相互补充。如唐高宗显庆二年（657），上官仪为张士贵所撰墓志云：“公讳士贵，字武安，弘农卢氏 人也 …… 高 祖深 相 嘉叹，拜 右光禄 大夫 …… （义宁二年）授第一军总管……武德元年，转运粮储，至于渑池，王充将郭士衡等，潜兵而至，公掩击大破之……贞观元年，诏公于玄武门长上，统率屯兵……六年，除右武侯将军……十二年冬，驾幸望云校猎，次于武功，皇帝龙潜之所，令作武功之咏……永徽二年，召拜左领军大将军……（显庆二年）六月三日终于河南县之显义里第，春秋七十有二……”[2]263-266如此种种，对张士贵一生行事的记录比两《唐书》更为详备。
　　
　　根据墓志，不仅可以考证墓主的生平事迹，而且可以考证其文学活动。程章灿利用唐代石刻文献考证出隋唐经籍82种[3],张固也对程文进行了简短的补正[4],潘明福据新出土的唐人墓志又做了进一步补充[5].诸位学者之研究中与唐赋有直接关联的墓志共有六则，依次是：
　　
　　1.梁玙墓志。《大唐故亳州谯县令梁府君（玙）之墓志》：“逮乎冠稔，博通经史，诸所着述，众挹清奇，制试杂文、《朝野多欢娱诗》《君臣同德赋》及第，编在史馆。”
　　
　　[2]1407-1408按：梁玙《君臣同德赋》今佚，白行简有同题赋作，此赋典出《尚书·泰誓》：“予有乱臣十人，同心同德。”
　　
　　2.陈周子墓志。陈齐卿《大唐故五品孙陈府君（周子）墓志铭并序》：“其所制杂诗及《至人无心》数赋共一卷。”[2]1555按：陈周子赋今佚。
　　
　　3.卢招墓志。崔佑甫《有唐登仕郎行魏郡冠氏县尉云骑尉卢公（招）墓志铭并序》：“所着诗赋杂文等五卷。”[2]1707按：卢招赋今佚。
　　
　　4.沈中黄墓志。沈佐黄《唐故承奉郎守大理司直沈府君（中黄）墓志铭》：“文章一百首，考试三百场，为《解言》上下各十九章，设宾主问答，析辨名理，不容秋毫，则扬子《解嘲》、士衡《连珠》未足比也。
　　
　　《解言》既行于世，声光震耀，卿士拭目，乡荐神州，名在殊等，贡于有司，第登甲科。宗伯高公锴疏青浦曰：沈某所试《琴瑟合奏赋》，有似《文选》《雪赋》《月赋》。臣与第三人。文藻之价，摇动内外……享年六十有七。时大中十二年岁次戊寅二月九日也。”[2]2360按：沈中黄所作《琴瑟合奏赋》《解言》已佚。